Women’s Rights in Turkey: Signs of Hope in a Country in Transition
After walking into a non-descript building in downtown Gaziantep – the economic hub of the southeast region of Turkey – several things became immediately apparent and, as I later learned, unmistakably related. First, the inside décor was as smartly adorned and meticulously appointed as the outside façade was plainly bland. And second, the dozen or so hosts who greeted us – with two kisses on the cheeks for the women in our group and a handshake for the men – were all themselves female. To fully comprehend the trajectory of the modern Turkish state – in both its foreign and domestic policy – it is important to examine the diverse components of its vibrant civil society. One indicator to gauge the direction of this Muslim country, which sits on the geographic nexus between Europe and the Middle East, are the prospects for its women.
Sitting down recently in Gaziantep with several Turkish businesswomen, a female doctor, and other female professionals as part of a trip sponsored by the Rumi Forum, the message seemed fairly consistent: opportunities were increasing for women in the workforce and the traditional gender roles in Turkish society were beginning to slowly erode. Two of the laudable goals of this women’s empowerment organization were to provide skills and vocational training – in areas such as artistic design and craft making – for Turkish housewives and to advocate for greater opportunities for Turkish women and girls in higher education. And the impact of this women’s group could be felt in our immediate surroundings as well as the larger community in which they lived.
There is also evidence of progress on women’s issues in the political arena. During Turkey’s last election in July 2007, the percentage of women in parliament more than doubled from 4.2 % to 9.1% (from 24 women to 50). And two women became deputy parliamentary speakers. Zeynep Dagi – a female member of parliament from Ankara – explained in a meeting that she identifies herself as an individual before she identifies herself as a woman, a politician, or even a mom. And she hopes that others see her contributions in similarly egalitarian terms.
Turkish women are also increasingly using new technologies to gain greater access to information and news. For example, a new report by Turkey’s State Planning Organization entitled “Information Society Statistics 2010,” indicated that women are much more likely than men to access the Internet from home. Indeed, sixty-eight percent of Turkish women reported home Internet usage compared to 51.6 percent for men. And while men outpaced women in reporting Internet usage at work, importantly, female respondents accessed the Internet more than men in educational institutions –11.8 percent against 7.4 percent.
While there are clearly signs of positive change in every corner of Turkish society, the country’s overall track record remains spotty. In conversations with officials at the United States Embassy in Ankara, “honor killings” – the horrific acts in which women and girls are killed by family members for what they believe is dishonorable behavior by religious definitions – were identified as a major domestic concern. These types of brutal killings account for at least half of the murders that occur each year in Turkey. These tragic occurrences were thrust back into the limelight recently when the Turkish police discovered a dead 16-year-old girl who was gruesomely buried alive by her family for having male friends.
These mixed results are illustrated in Turkey’s rankings on several international surveys measuring various issues affecting women. For instance, the United Nation’s (UN) Gender-related Development Index, highlights inequality in achievement between women and men. Between 2007 and 2009, Turkey fell nine spots from 70 out of 180 countries surveyed to 79. Similarly, the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Index – a tool for benchmarking and tracking global gender-based inequalities on economic, political, education and health-based criteria – pegged Turkey at 121 out of 128 countries surveyed, down from 105 the year earlier. Conversely, on another UN metric – the Gender Empowerment Measure which evaluates progress in advancing women’s standing in political and economic forums – Turkey rose impressively in the survey from 101 out of 182 countries to number 79.
Both anecdotal and empirical evidence suggest that, when it comes to women’s issues, Turkey’s record under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) over the past ten years is mixed: there are clear signs of positive change in some sectors while progress has been stunted or remains lacking by other measures. This complicated picture of women’s rights is emblematic of the AKP’s uneven progress on the protection and expansion of minority rights more broadly.
The status of Turkey’s Kurdish minority is another example of this potholed road towards a more inclusive society. Over the past several years, the AKP has instituted a series of important educational and cultural reforms for the Kurds living in Turkey: a television channel began broadcasting in Kurdish on a 24-hour basis; the ban on Kurdish was eliminated in prisons; and the election law was amended to legalize campaigning and distributing campaign materials in Kurdish.
But at the same time, more than 1,400 members of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy (BDP), including 12 elected mayors, have been arrested, and recently an indictment against those arrested was accepted by a court.
The story of women’s rights in Turkey – as well as rights for minority groups – is still unfolding. Unfortunately, many – especially in the West – are too quick to paint the Turkish narrative with broad brush strokes: Turkey is moving “away from the West;” or the country is rejecting Ataturk’s legacy of secularism. Such a portrayal fails to appreciate the dynamism of Turkish civil society and the numerous internal tensions – with progress as well as setbacks – working at cross currents in the country. Only by digging below the surface can we fully appreciate the trajectory of the modern Turkish state. And it is incumbent upon advocates of enhanced rights for women and minorities in Turkey to highlight the positive civil society efforts taking place at the grass roots level, amplify the AKP’s positive initiatives to promote equality, and hold its feet to the fire when these rights are curtailed.
Robert Friedman is the Managing Editor of Foreign Policy Digest, a non-resident Fellow at the Georgetown Center on National Security and the Law and a Principal in the Truman National Security Project.
